Friday, August 27, 2021

Musing on article claiming diversity focus is diminishing meritocracy in STEM fields

 This is my response to an article by math professors with experiences at New York University, the Georgia Institute of Technology, the University of California in Irvine, and Princeton University. The authors are Percy Deift, Svetlana Jitomirskaya, and Sergiu Klainerman. The article was published in Quillette, which is generally a dubious source, but looking over several articles there, it seems like they sometimes get interesting and thoughtful contributions from serious thinkers.  There are also plenty of articles that, it seems to me, are hack pieces written by ideologues.  Readers can certainly choose among what they find at the website and find some worthwhile pieces.  The article I’m responding to is one that I found worthwhile, and engaging. 

Many of the articles at Quillette seem focused on attacking radical perspectives and policies. But, the critiques are typically more thoughtful than what one would find at many other conservative sources. I should say that the site seems to have a conservative Libertarian approach, but publishes less total garbage than what you might find at other Libertarian sources such as Reason or the Cato Institute. Back in 2019 Donna Minkowitz wrote a hack piece for the radical magazine the Nation about how horrible Quillette is, and her article illustrates some of the intellectual intolerance that turns me off while simultaneously making a damning critique of Quillette. Sure, Quillette pushes odious ideas and stupid articles, but “Fascist Creep”?  Really? 


Let’s take a look at the article “As US Schools Prioritize Diversity Over Merit, China Is Becoming the World’s STEM Leader” by Percy Deift, Svetlana Jitomirskaya, and Sergiu Klainerman,  published on August 19th of 2021. https://quillette.com/2021/08/19/as-us-schools-prioritize-diversity-over-merit-china-is-becoming-the-worlds-stem-leader/ 


To start, I’ll disclose that I agree that math education in the United States is in trouble.  The Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) assesses how well American adults perform on tests of literacy, numeracy, and digital problem solving. Only 39% of American adults perform in the highest (of three) categories of numeracy, whereas the international average is 44%.  Likewise, 28% of Americans are essentially illiterate with numeracy (lowest of three categories) while the international average is 23%.  Top performing nations like Japan and Finland have 63% and 58% of their population in the highest level of numeracy, and only 8% and 13% in the lowest category. I think the authors make some good suggestions about how to improve math education.  The authors are concerned about diversity values getting in the way of meritocracy values, and I think that is something we ought to be concerned about, but I doubt it is a substantial problem, and the article offers me no evidence that it is, and so I suspect that the authors’ concerns on that account are overwrought.  However, I don’t have much evidence to disprove their claims (or, actually, conjectures), so I really don’t have a strong opinion about this, and I’d like to see more facts and evidence so I could draw a better-informed conclusion.  It’s odd that authors with exceptionally good mathematical skills would publish an article like this that has so little quantitative evidence to support their claims.


The authors claim that we have deplorable K-12 math education.  That may be so, but they support this claim with evidence that graduate students in mathematics, engineering, and computer science are mostly foreign nationals. They do not give any information about biology, medicine, chemistry, geology, or other scientific fields, but they make a good case that too few American students are attracted into graduate studies within mathematics, engineering, and computer science. To the extent that K-12 math education ought to inspire students into those disciplines and pull students into undergraduate programs that prepare them for graduate studies in those programs, this supports a claim that math education is “deplorable”. It does not tell us anything about whether K-12 math education is lacking in other respects. Are there any tests of basic mathematics literacy or the ability to apply mathematics and quantitative reasoning to real world problems given to 17-23 year-olds?  There should be, and if there are, those would tell us something about the quality of math education in America in terms of what people are learning. The authors tell us that, “And a recent large-scale study of adults’ cognitive abilities, conducted by the National Center for Education Statistics, found that many Americans lack the basic skills in math and reading required for successful participation in the economy.”  The PIAAC results to which they direct readers tell us that “many” means about 28%, which is alarming, and worse than international comparison averages (23% of samples in comparison nations tend to be numerically illiterate).  


However, if we examine the study with more care than the authors of this paper did, we can see an interesting thing.  Persons my age or older (born in the late 1960s to early 1970s or earlier) did not experience education in an environment that emphasized diversity.  Are the numeracy abilities of persons 45-54 or 55-65 better than the younger cohorts of 16-24 or 25-34 who have been subjected to all this diversity emphasis?  No.  I doubt there is a statistically significant difference.  Average scores on numeracy in the 2017 PIAAC survey show 16-24 year-olds with 255, and 25-34 year-olds with 261.  My cohort of 45-54 year-olds were scoring 251 and the 55-65 year old younger baby boomers were scoring 249. Maybe the fact that we who were studying math when (allegedly) merit was valued more than diversity, score lower on mathematical competence assessments (probably not significantly lower) than those kids who were subjected to an emphasis on diversity (allegedly over merit), is due to cognitive decline with aging? 


Does the fact that most graduate students in mathematics, engineering, and computer science are immigrants and foreign-born tell us that mathematics education and knowledge in America is bad?  America has a long tradition of bringing in people from other countries and making them into Americans to fill needs in many fields of our civilization. What percentage of students in mathematics or engineering were foreign-born or foreign students or children of immigrants in the 1920s-1930s, or the 1880s-1890s? Were immigrants overrepresented then, or is this a recent phenomenon? To understand whether a focus on diversity over merit has reduced interest in mathematics among non-immigrant American populations, I’d want the authors to establish that this lack of native-born Americans in those fields has significantly increased in recent years as the focus on diversity has increased. Other plausible explanations for why foreign-born students, native-born children-of-immigrants, and foreign students dominate these fields in the United States include: 

  1. limits in language proficiency give those students a comparative advantage in those fields that require less nuanced fluency in English.  They may be better than native-born Americans in all subjects, but they are lot better in fields that require less English fluency, so those fields attract them; 
  2. graduate programs in the United States are global programs in which the top three million Americans in their twenties are competing against the top 30 million non-Americans in their twenties, and the Americans and non-Americans going into graduate studies know this, and tend to concentrate in fields where they have relative competitive advantages;
  3. Immigrants who do well in mathematics, computer science, and engineering are more survival-oriented in their value system, and therefore they seek out disciplines that promise higher economic reward in contrast to American native-born students, who may care more about self expression, or identity exploration, or having fun, and therefore study topics they find agreeable rather than considering which degrees are likely to lead to higher incomes. 


The authors are correct that some diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives have diminished the importance of merit, and this has in many cases been unfair to good students who should have been admitted or steered into mathematics, engineering, and computer sciences. The fact that this happens and is a problem is probably a consensus truth; it must certainly be happening somewhere, and we can find egregious anecdotes of it happening in specific places. Is this problem so widespread and pervasive that it can account for a significant portion of the explanation for why mathematics, computer science, and engineering graduate students and faculty are immigrants or foreign-born?  The article claims so, but I’m unaware of any evidence that this is so, and the authors should have provided such evidence if it exists, but they didn’t. I’m not so interested in this that I’m going to go and find it for them.


A further point about merit.  Decisions about admitting or hiring people force decision-makers into dichotomies between “admit" or “do not admit”; or “hire" or “do not hire”. These categorical decisions are placed on a real world that is not dichotomous.  Some who are admitted or hired will not turn out to have been the best candidates, and some who are denied would have been better suited. Some mix of predictive indicators that are consciously referenced and used will combine with intuitive factors in the determination of many of these decisions. The quantitative predictive indicators tend to be good in making gross distinctions, but not very good at making subtle distinctions. While it is wise to be wary of professional intuition and unconscious decision-making, researchers in the field of decision-making such as Kenneth R. Hammond have convincingly argued that the best decisions require a mix of quantitative reasoning and intuition of experts. So, decisions about merit are imperfect (at least when making subtle distinctions), and such decisions usually include intuitive evaluations.


We also know that there is in many people an intuitive bias against low-income persons, or persons with African heritage. Since using some intuition in hiring and admissions decisions tends to give improved accuracy, and since we know that many of us have unconscious biases against certain people that would diminish the value of our intuitive thinking, it makes sense to me that there should be some conscious efforts to reduce our intuitive biases. Only a crazed fringe will want to entirely demolish meritocracy, but most advocates for anti-bias training and diversity-promotion are not attempting to demolish merit-based decisions (although a few outliers are).  We are trying to improve our ability to detect merit when we incorporate an understanding that our conceptions of “merit" may involve both false dichotomy logical errors and unconscious bias against certain candidates, and also acknowledge that there is probably systematic error in our quantitative predictive indicators of merit (tending to overestimate merit of high status candidates and underestimate that of low status candidates). Thus, some attempts to enhance diversity may actually be good attempts at improving our accuracy in predicting merit of candidates, and not attempts to ignore merit. Perhaps the authors of this article know this, and had no space to acknowledge it or present nuance, but it wouldn't surprise me if they are instead ignorant of this, and are simply reacting to popular conceptions of “diversity” and "merit" that are not grounded in good empirical or theoretical work on these topics. 


The authors claim that efforts to reduce racial disparities has weakened the connection between merit and scholastic admission.  Is this a general phenomena?  Can they point to specific examples?  The Supreme Court and many state legislatures have made it illegal to use race as a broad criteria in admission, but race can be taken into consideration within a framework in which there is a “narrowly tailored use” that gives certain candidates an advantage (see Regents of The University of California v. Bakke (1978) and Gratz v. Bollinger (2003)).  But, universities cannot abandon merit and replace it with race. In decisions among candidates that are close in merit, an advantage to candidates who will increase diversity is allowed. However, several states, including California, Washington, and Michigan have state laws forbidding their universities from considering race in admissions decisions. The authors ought to have provided some evidence that such states banning racial considerations in admissions decisions have seen more native-born American students enter graduate programs in mathematics, engineering, or computer science.  That would have helped support their argument. I’m not feeling the need to look into it, but I doubt that there will be a big difference, because I don't think racial preferences in admissions are breaking the link between merit and admissions in any big way. If it turn out that there is a big difference, I would change my opinion.


The authors point out that the United States spends a lot per student (ranked 5th among 37 developed OECD nations). Those numbers on spending are crude.  At my university, people actually in the classroom teaching students are getting about 42% of all the budget share directed toward salaried employees (and probably less than a third of the budget going to all paid employees, since there are many hourly wage-earning workers as secretaries, groundskeepers, student life staff, library staff, kitchen staff, and so forth). Inflation-adjusted per-student spending on salaries of persons doing direct instruction has decreased here in the 20+ years since I was hired, but overall spending has increased (we have many more highly paid administrators and executives than we did when I was hired). To help the authors, I'd qualify their claim that the problem “isn't budgetary”.  We probably spend enough money to expect good math education, but we probably are not spending that money efficiently in ways that would get us the sort of math education we desire. So the problem is budgetary, but not a problem of total spending. Perhaps. America also invests a lot in spending on children with special needs, and that’s something that makes me proud.  We also have children suffering with the traumas associated with living in areas of concentrated poverty and racial segregation, which drives up the needs of our children. Do comparison advanced economy nations have similar problems?  There are complexities here that the authors did not have space to address.


The authors may be right about the quality of education for math teachers, which they claim is low. But, they do not offer any evidence for it. I know of anecdotal evidence that they are wrong. 


One claim the authors make is that persons who train to be math teachers are poorly prepared because they spend too much time learning about diversity and social justice, and insufficient time learning about mathematics. They are therefore inadequate teachers of mathematics. The authors claim persons well-trained in mathematics who have received mere basic training in education would be equally good or superior in the classroom compared to those who received education degrees or certificates allowing them to be certified as math teachers. It so happens that my wife has a B.S. in mathematics and was one semester of student-teaching away from also having a B.A. in education with a teaching certificate when she decided the math degree was sufficient and abandoned her teacher education work. As she was not fully English-proficient, I read most of her written work in her education courses (to correct things like punctuation and verb tense issues—I never wrote anything for her), and I do not remember noticing too much emphasis on diversity or social justice in her training. She was well-trained in mathematics, and could have been (and still could be) a good secondary school math teacher. 


Further, I have good friends who teach in teacher education, and I have had about two or three education students in my social work or liberal studies courses every year that I’ve been at the Springfield campus of the University of Illinois. These students always needed a degree in their field and they needed to pass tests of proficiency. If they were hoping to teach mathematics in high schools, they would need a mathematics degree in addition to their teacher education coursework leading to a secondary education teacher certification. There are many states where teacher education requirements demand that high school or middle school teachers have a solid grounding in the subject they specialize in teaching.  Some states (Ohio, New York, Massachusetts) even require that teachers earn graduate degrees (in education), but to start teaching, many states must surely require considerable coursework in the field to be taught (social studies teachers must have taken courses in social sciences; science teachers must have taken courses in sciences; mathematics teachers must have taken courses in mathematics). Has anyone compared standardized math achievement tests of students from different states? The states that have stricter requirements for math education for their math teachers, or reduced requirements for education studies relative to their requirements for math studies, should, if the authors of this article are correct, have high math achievement scores for their students, right?  Such studies would help us determine whether the claims of these authors that teacher education, with its focus on social justice and diversity, is harming education in STEM fields in the USA. Without evidence, I’m not just going to accept claims one way or the other on this question.


 I believe many states (such as Illinois) have a system where students must have a degree in the field they will be teaching (at least at the secondary education level) and a teaching certificate. So, while education courses might have a lot of content about diversity and social justice, the students should still be getting a degree in mathematics that presumably has mostly math content and very little content about diversity and social justice. I agree with the authors that the standards for allowing people into the classroom as certified teachers may be too high, but I hope they would agree that some teaching preparation and child development or child psychology courses ought to be mandated for future teachers.  That is, I do not oppose teacher certification requirements; I just think they should be relaxed a bit, and the authors clearly agree with me that teacher certifications ought to be easier to obtain.  For example, my wife has taught as a bi-lingual educator in local public schools for several years, and taught in other settings as well, but Illinois could not certify her as a high school mathematics teacher, despite her B.S. in mathematics and her extensive course work and field practicum experience in education, and her years of teaching in classrooms as a bilingual educator.  That seems ridiculous to me.


 The middle and later part of the article is far more persuasive and correct. The criticisms of revised mathematics framework proposed for California seem sound, but I do not know whether the authors are fairly portraying that proposal.  If they are, then it sounds like a real turd of a plan. My sister works in the state education bureaucracy in Oregon, and she has explained to me how sometimes Fox News pundits and Wall Street Journal editorial writers have completely mischaracterized things that happen in Oregon with education standards. If people believed that those sources were fairly and accurately explaining what was going on, it would be reasonable for them to be upset and worried about what Oregon was doing.  However, those sources were essentially just lying about what was happening, and people were misled into a froth of anger about things that weren’t real. That makes me wonder if the authors are fairly and accurately presenting the revised mathematics framework that was proposed (was it adopted?) in California.


The authors support tracking, but tracking isn’t always good.  It may be that tracking provides a satisfactory education only to the top 20%, when in fact the top 50% or top 60% could all benefit from an education matching what the high track gets. As the authors note later in the article, "Children benefit if they are challenged by high standards and a nurturing environment”.  Some research I've seen from Denmark and Japan suggests that gifted students can achieve even higher mastery of a subject if they are involved with collaborative learning in which they help average students meet high standards, and these approaches are much better for average students, who learn from their teachers and their peers. As someone who scores three to four standard deviations above average in most assessments of reasoning and problem-solving, I can relate to the way it can be tedious and soul-crushing to be subjected to pedagogical or training practices designed for the full range of abilities (including persons who are well below-average in intelligence) or oriented toward average persons. But having been in settings (elite private schools; universities) where my intellectual power is mediocre compared to my peers and mentors, I’m well-aware that it’s possible to provide students with learning experiences where everyone can succeed and “gifted” students with higher abilities can be challenged and engaged while those who struggle with the learning tasks are pulled up to higher performance levels. I’m in favor of some tracking and some gifted programs, but feel cautious about those approaches, and fear that they give us the sort of results the authors deplore; where maybe 20% to 30% of Americans are mathematically competent, but an equal number are essentially mathematically illiterate. There is no excuse for having more than 15% of the adult population mathematically illiterate. 


The authors are right to suggest that we take a pragmatic approach to math education and allow “models that work" to inform our practice. Most of their ideas for how to improve math education seem like common-sense and reasonable proposals. They do praise China for how well it does on international comparison tests.  China has a long cultural tradition of valuing tests, and tests are used to sort students at an early age in many societies, including the United Kingdom, France, and Germany.  American testing is usually at far lower stakes, and American students may tend to score lower on standardized testing used in international comparisons, whereas Chinese students may tend to score higher.  There is probably some systematic bias there.  Also, there may be sampling bias. Are all the schools in China doing so well, and are International comparisons using samples of Chinese students that are just as broad and representative as the samples of American students?  American high school students also do not focus on particular areas of study so much, as our high school curricula tend to be general education all the way through high school graduation.  In other societies, children often begin to concentrate their studies in focus areas while in secondary education to a degree that is unusual in the USA.  So, while I agree that America could learn some lessons from the Chinese methods of education, I think we must be cautious about comparisons.


My sense is that persons who are trained very narrowly to be the top in their field are sometimes woefully foolish in other areas of inquiry or thought. I would like American engineers, computer scientists, and mathematicians to be well-trained in their fields, and they should be competent. But, they should also know something about the arts, literature, politics, biology, history, economics, philosophy, and society. Chinese society is in many respects horrible, and not worthy of emulation. It has its good points, of course.  America likewise has its flaws and problems. My sense is that a great deal of the evil done in China results from people having narrow technical approaches to problems or goals. 


One controversial point the authors make is that disparities in admissions into STEM fields between underprivileged minorities and others are blamed on systemic racism when in fact declining standards in the public schools where these underprivileged students attend account for much of the disparity. The authors do not understand the term “systemic racism” (which is hardly surprising, as they show little interest in understanding it beyond recognizing some of the ways the term and concept can be misused to harm students).  Systemic racism would encompass exactly those problems they identify.  If people have racially-biased ideas that girls or persons with African heritage need inferior alternative approaches to mathematics, or that such persons should be guided away from “difficult” subjects like math, engineering, and computer science, and institutions promote such attitudes in schools, that is exactly systemic racism. Combatting systemic racism and promoting diversity in STEM fields requires educators and school boards to hold students who are underprivileged minorities to the highest objective standards of accomplishment, and also requires educators and school boards to provide those students with the means to have realistic chances of actually meeting those standards. So, I'm saying in some extreme (outlier, I think) cases, the "anti-racist" solutions to problems are themselves examples of racism. 


When it comes to achieving higher performance of disadvantaged minorities in the STEM fields, the authors seem to have a sense that we should be pragmatic and use what seems to work. Who could argue against that? If there are forms of “diversity education” that show good results in terms of giving underprivileged minorities an enhanced possibility of meeting high standards in STEM fields, those forms of diversity education ought to be promoted, not condemned.  If there are forms of “diversity education” that fail to improve (or diminish) the chances of persons from underprivileged backgrounds to enter STEM fields, those forms of education should be discarded. The test should be pragmatic.  Do these interventions work, or not? To answer that question, we need good-faith explorations of what seems to work and what doesn’t. The authors of this article don’t contribute much, because they aren’t giving evidence or even case studies or anecdotes about approaches that are working (or not working).  They are simply claiming—and claiming without offering any good empirical observations or evidence—that an emphasis on diversity and social justice is diminishing the quality of mathematics education in our society. 


The “emphasis on diversity” and “social justice” are broad concepts that are applied in diverse ways in the field of education. I hardly think it will be useful to make generalizations about how an emphasis on diversity or social justice is helpful or harmful in improving American education.  We need actual research, good empirical evidence, detailed and fair case studies, and more specificity about which aspects of “emphasis on diversity” or “social justice” are failing or succeeding. 


Well, they do point out that “less competitive” and “more nurturing” programs work better for some people than do competitive and abusive programs. Do the authors equate “high standards” with “more competitive”?  Do they think that “more nurturing” (less abusive) programs are by definition programs with lower standards?  If so, I think they are confusing “standards of excellence” with other aspects of teaching and learning (e.g., degree of nurturing going on in the process, degree of competition in the process).  


Is “scientific excellence being supplanted by diversity as the determining factor” for eligibility and access to learning opportunities? The authors are correct that measuring adherence to ideologies or loyalty to group values or obedience to authority can poison science and engineering, and yield dystopian nightmare societies. But China, the country they hold out as an example of good educational techniques, is plagued with this problem.  In China, to advance in universities or corporations, loyalty and obedience to those in superior positions of the hierarchy is of critical importance.  Many good scientists are thwarted by their personal conflicts with superiors or Communist Party officials. Similar problems may exist in American academic or departmental politics, so perhaps this is a universal human problem. 


In making their case that diversity is supplanting merit, the authors refer readers to the National Science Foundation’s Innovation Corps program, in which “provide opportunities to diverse communities of innovators” is listed as one of five areas of responsibility. That doesn’t seem like a risk to merit-based investment in innovation to me.  Another source the authors use is a Wall Street Journal editorial by Heather MacDonald decrying the fact that the National Institute of Health will now want grant applications to explain how they will “enhance diverse perspectives” and include perspectives of traditionally underrepresented persons in biomedical fields. It seems to me that there is a general pattern in reality that diverse options and perspectives can provide us with a wider range of thoughts and ideas from which to choose, and thus increase the chances we have of finding or synthesizing an optimal solution or idea.  So, I don’t see how forcing persons applying for research grants to consider how they will increase diversity representation in their work is likely to diminish the quality of science.  The committees that allocate that money aren’t going to lower their standards to a point where they are funding more bad research than they already do. They are simply going to add to their already high standards a box to score how well the application addresses diversity. Is the score in that box going to get weighted higher than the scientific rigor of their research design? No.  Since some of those grant-awarding committees have a certain intellectual incestuousness in them, lack of diversity in decision-making has been a problem already, hasn’t it? 


I’m not going to deny that sometimes the emphasis on diversity creates inflated acclaim for some researchers.  Sometimes the “superstar” scholars or authors getting lots of attention are really just good, and not actually so great.  Sometimes they are promoted partly because of their interesting racial or class background, or the intriguing perspectives they have because of some aspect of their research topics, or subjects that seem unusual (involving diverse sorts of ideas or populations).  I think people recognize this. The risk that the really great ideas are being ignored because some less-great ideas are coming from diverse scholars looking at diverse things is a real risk, but we already have a risk that we’re giving too much attention to “famous, great scholars” who had significant ideas years ago and are now promoting less valuable work.  Or, we might be giving our attention to the people doing work in the fields that are the latest fashion or fad in our discipline, and ignoring the really significant work in some old-fashioned approach that no one cares about any more, or some esoteric subfield no one is paying any attention to.  It seems to me that the things I’m describing are more likely to thwart good science and good thinking than too much emphasis on diversity or diverse scholars. This past year why have so many doctors been using Remdesivir instead of Ivermectin to treat COVID-19? Why are some literature reviews and studies of Ivermectin showing it to be highly effective, and other literature reviews showing Ivermectin to be of little or no use at all? That sort of bad science didn’t have anything to do with diversity, except maybe it was a bias against the randomized controlled studies suggesting Ivermectin is highly effective coming out of universities, hospitals, and countries that are not “high quality” (India, Latin America, Africa). I'm being sarcastic and suggesting there is a bias against poor country research in the mainstream medical research community.


It seems to me the greatest value of the article is its endorsement of the Math for America teacher-development and the BASIS Charter School Curriculum.  I was unaware that those programs had demonstrated high effectiveness in improving student math abilities.  It’s important that when programs have demonstrated success, their success is shared with teachers and teacher educators. The authors make some other recommendations that, for the most part, seem reasonable and likely to be helpful.  

Tuesday, May 11, 2021

The WIC Program in the United States


The WIC Program in the United States

The Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, also known as WIC, is a program designed to influence nutrition and health. WIC is available for low-income pregnant women, infants, and young children. Not only does WIC assist with nutrition, but it also provides nutrition education, breastfeeding support, and referrals to health care and social services. WIC has led to healthier infants and children by providing support to families in need. Administrations and Congress have provided sufficient funding since 1977 to make sure that WIC can help all eligible women, infants, and children. 

“During the 1960s, various studies identified hunger as a major problem in this country. Physicians described young women, often pregnant, in their clinics with various ailments caused by lack of food. In Atlanta, GA, doctors, and clinic staff began to prescribe needed food, and the prescription served to needed women” (History of WIC, 2021). A decade later, the White House Conference on Food, Nutrition, and Health decided to focus on the problem of hunger due to many families living in poverty. Conference recommendations started focusing on the nutritional needs of low-income pregnant women and pre-school children. On September 26, 1972, the Child Nutrition Act of 1966 was signed, which led to the creation of The Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC). A year later, WIC made two different food packages available, one for infants and another one for children and pregnant or breastfeeding women. In 1998, The William F. Goodling Child Nutrition Re-authorization Act of 1998 required all eligible parents to be physically present, provide evidence of income, and residency. The latest change in the WIC system was in 2010, under President Barak Obama. The Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act was established for WIC agencies to adopt an electronic benefit transfer system. This system would introduce the debit card system in order to replace the paper vouchers, which had been used in the United States since 1968.

It is very simple to apply and become a WIC participant. The individual must contact their area’s state or local agency to set up an appointment. Usually, when an individual calls to set up an appointment, someone will inform them about the nearest office in their area and what to bring to the appointment, such as picture ID, social security card, birth certificate, proof of residency, and proof of income. At the appointment, the individual will be asked to fill out forms that will determine if the mom and child are eligible for WIC. Next, the mom and child will have their weight and height measured. After all the events above are accomplished or done, the mother will be informed about their next WIC visit, and she will receive the vouchers that fit best to her situation. The WIC vouchers provide food for mothers, infants, and children. The vouchers include foods such as, infant cereal, adult cereal, fruit, vegetables, juice, eggs, milk, cheese, peanut butter, beans, bread, baby food, and so much more. 

According to the article, WIC Works: Addressing the Nutrition and Health Needs of Low-Income Families for More Than Four Decades by Steven Carlson, there is strong evidence that supports the impact that WIC has done on low-income families. “WIC supports healthier diets, promotes breastfeeding and better infant feeding practices, and may improve food security among children. Since the introduction of improved food packages better aligned with current dietary guidance, WIC participants are purchasing and consuming more fruits, vegetables, whole grains, and low-fat dairy” (Carlson, 2021). Healthy eating practices are essential during infancy and early childhood for children to grow and develop healthy. Good nutrition is very important during pregnancy in order to support the development of the fetus and to protect the mother from pregnancy risks, such as diabetes, excessive weight gain, iron deficiency anemia, and miscarriage. Therefore, WIC aims to improve the health and nutrition of low-income women and their children by providing help. 

WIC has been successful due to the help of Administrations and Congress. Both systems have made sure to provide sufficient funding for low-income pregnant women, infants, and young children. “Research suggests that prenatal and early childhood participation in WIC is associated with improved cognitive development and academic achievement. WIC is quite effective in reaching women during, rather than after, their pregnancy: 83 percent of new mothers participating in WIC enrolled during their pregnancy” (Carlson, 2021) Research has provided evidence determining that WIC has been efficient for low-income women and children. 


Works Cited

| By Steven Carlson[1] and Zoë Neuberger, & More from the Authors Steven Carlson Steven Carl. (n.d.). WIC Works: Addressing the Nutrition and Health Needs of Low-Income Families for More Than Four Decades. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. https://www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/wic-works-addressing-the-nutrition-and-health-needs-of-low-income-families. 

History of WIC. Snap To Health. (n.d.). https://www.snaptohealth.org/wic-2/history-of-wic/. 


Monday, May 10, 2021

Should Landlords be forced to accept Housing Choice Vouchers?

 You lost your job, bills are piling up, and now you are losing your house. What do you do? An average of half a million Americans are homeless on any given night in the US. The government has claimed we are in the middle of a housing crisis saying, “homeownership rate has declined to 64.4 percent”( https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/232/text?format=txt). In 2019 there was a bill introduced in congress called the H.R.232 - Landlord Accountability Act of 2019 presented by representative Nydia M. Velazquez (A Democrat representing the New York 7th District, in Brooklyn), which was designed to prevent landlords from denying or discriminating against people for using Section 8 vouchers as payment for rent. 

What are Section 8 vouchers? Section 8 vouchers or housing choice vouchers are given to low-income families by the government so that the family can rent or afford a home for a rate within the limits of their income. Vouchers are also not used for public housing; these are used for housed or apartments that are on the open market or else in a designated housing voucher residence (there are two types of housing choice vouchers; one for the open housing market and the other for designated properties). This program started in 1968 as part of the 1968 Civil Rights Act (the Fair Housing Act), and is run through the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and serves approximately 2.2 million families. There is a controversy concerning this program related to H.R. 232; should landlords be forced to accept these housing choice vouchers, and should we even continue to assist low-income households afford housing with a voucher system like this one? 

On one side you have people saying that it is wrong that landlords are able to discriminate against and deny housing choice vouchers. There are some state laws that protect some housing choice vouchers but not all of them, “1 in 3 voucher households are protected by non-discrimination laws” ( https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/prohibiting-discrimination-against-renters-using-housing-vouchers-improves-results). That means that out of the 2.2 million families that are served only 660,000 are protected under the law in various states across the country. The argument for being against the denial of the vouchers is not limited to concerns about whether HCV-using families find places to rent, but it is also about the type of housing they can find; where and what type of housing can be bought with these vouchers with the current discriminatory laws in place? The side against denial of section 8 vouchers says “Landlords’ refusal to accept vouchers is likely a significant contributor to the fact that only 14 percent of families with children in the HCV program live in low-poverty neighborhoods” (https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/prohibiting-discrimination-against-renters-using-housing-vouchers-improves-results). For HCV program to help low-income persons escape the social isolation of living in high-poverty neighborhoods, it must be possible for them to find landlords in more wealthy (low-poverty) areas where, so often, the schools and public facilities are better, crime rates are lower, and children will meet and befriend more peers from non-poverty households. According to advocates for the laws to ban landlord discrimination against HCV-using renters, the fact that only 14% of HCV-using households with children find places to rent outside of communities with concentrated poverty is an indictment of the current system. They also argue that this refusal to accept vouchers is part of what promotes the destructive stereotype of people with section 8 vouchers being lazy, criminals, and slobs. As landlords deny use of the vouchers in nicer neighborhoods, this forces the low-income HCV-using households into poverty-stricken ones where the prejudicial stereotype builds. 

On the other side of the argument, you have those who believe that it is within a landlord’s rights to deny anyone. They bought the property, they own it, they maintain it, and they face a risk with each tenant that the tenant could damage their property, ruin the environment for other renters, or cause significant hassles for the landlord. And in the spirit of a free and open market, the seller (the landlord) should have full say in who rents and lives within the house, provided they are not discriminating against protected status identities (such as race, religion, gender, nationality, ethnicity, etc.). Being a person with a low income is not a protected status identity, since landlords must be allowed to refuse to rent to potential tenants who seem unlikely to afford the rent.  

One of the biggest complaints of the Landlord Accountability Act of 2019 from the landlord side is that the bill fined landlords for not keeping apartments up to certain inspection standards. This side claims that most of the time the standards that are imposed by HUD for these apartments are unnecessary and are at the landlord’s expense to maintain the buildings to the HUDs ridiculous standard. That is, landlords are accustomed to maintaining their rental properties at levels of quality that meet local building codes and standards, but the HCV Program has much higher standards, and meeting those standards would require many landlords to significantly increase their property investments through remodeling or expensive renovations that local codes would not require. If landlords must all meet the HCV Program standards so that their properties would be acceptable for HCV-using tenants, the improvements and the cost of upkeep of building could exceed the rent from tenants, and—the landlords claim—their returns on their investments would make property ownership for rental financially unsustainable.  This is a problem more often identified among landlords of more affordable housing units, as the older and cheaper-rent properties are less likely to meet HUD’s standards for the HCV program. 

This side also claims that the tenants from the section 8 program are less than appealing. A New York landlord stated “Section-8 tenants are the absolute bottom of the barrel. No one wants them because they are disruptive and bring criminal activity with them. I also think the NYC law is unconstitutional. A landlord should have the right to refuse a source of income” (https://citylimits.org/2016/06/07/crackdown-on-landlords-who-rebuff-section-8/). Another said, “I have NEVER EVER HEARD nice things about renting to section 8 tenants. it’s not about discrimination for being poor; it’s about discrimination because you are a horrible tenant” (https://citylimits.org/2016/06/07/crackdown-on-landlords-who-rebuff-section-8/). In this case the argument is that they are not discriminating against poor persons, but rather they are discriminating because the section 8 voucher is a reliable signal that the tenant’s behavior while renting will be costly and vexing. This side claims that they have allowed section 8 vouchers in the past, and the tenants were rude, dirty, destructive, and brought crime into the area, so their discrimination is based on experience, rather than unfounded stereotypes. 

There are forums for landlords to discuss tenants to whose HCV-program benefits, and the forums provide a mixed set of anecdotes, and these are not scientific samples that can be applied draw any conclusions, other than the conclusion that there is a wide range of reported experiences.

Chinmay J of Northern Virginia reported in the Bigger Pockets forum in 2018 in response to the query “Is Section 8 Housing as bad as people say?” the following: 

You will always get two diametrically opposing views on section 8.  It’s one of the most polarizing real estate conversations.   I am very much for it. The county/city pays you on time.. Always..The first month might be delayed due to administrative reasons, but from then onwards its like clockwork. 

I have 1 Section 8 tenant right now, whom I have vetted like anyone else. They are good people. They pay their own utilities. No issues.  They stay long term unlike 1 or 2 yrs for some other tenants. Eventually, I plan on making all my properties, at least in the state of Virginia, Section 8 properties. 

Also, the county/city does yearly inspections. The tenants are at the mercy of the the city/county approving them for the next year. If they are found in violation of rules like unauthorized pets, authorized guests, drugs, damage to the property, they could lose their vouchers. Once they lose the vouchers, it’s not easy to get reinstated.  There is always a huge waiting period.  Huge demand for housing and not enough supply. 

(https://www.biggerpockets.com/forums/52/topics/521124-is-section-8-housing-as-bad-as-people-say)


Dawn Anastasi of Milwaukee, Wisconsin reported in the in the same forum the following:

Section 8 is just a program. It's about vetting the people, regardless of the program. 

I had 3 tenants on Section 8. One worked her way off the program and she's still in my rental. The other two are pretty boring tenants, they pay their rent and take care of their units. I personally like boring tenants.

Many others had similar points in favor of Section 8.  The SparkRental website gives a balanced list of the advantages and drawbacks of renting to Section 8 tenants (https://sparkrental.com/become-section-8-landlord/), with many comments echoing these posts from landlords at the bigger pockets website. YouTube videos for landlords are also, on balance, cautiously optimistic about renting to HCV-program users; for example, Clayton and Natali Morris https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-A5Z-gwo9IY and Jim Ingersoll https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t702mIAyj40 recommend accepting HCV program tenants, provided landlords do the same screening as they do with their other tenants, checking with previous landlords and looking up police records.  In contrast, Peter Murphy of Re/Max suggests that Section 8 does not offer any benefits to landlords (https://static1.squarespace.com/static/572a39c4c6fc08512e0f088d/t/5ad78003575d1fd308310607/1524072451761/SECTION+8+FAQ.pdf). Ama of the Bronx (New York) also reports on a bad experience with Section 8, and the comments section of her post at propertydo.com is full of any posts describing HCV-tenants as “animals” with anecdotes of bad experiences: 

I am a first time Section 8 landlord and my experience with Section 8 rentals was not a good one. My Section 8 tenant was supposed to move into my three bedroom apartment with her 3 children and her husband (who was not in the Section 8 program). 

Within 2 months of moving in, the number of occupants in the apartment became 9 instead of 5. I asked her to rectify the situation and I even sent a complaint to the Section 8 housing authorities but to no avail.

Unfortunately I needed the rent money to pay my mortgage so I put up with it. Now their lease is up and I asked her to move out but she refused. She can't get a transfer from Section 8 because she owe me three months of rent. 

Now I have to spend money and time to take her to court in order to evict her. The frustrating thing is the law is always on their side and the judge will most likely give her up to 6 months extension (of the lease). 

I have learned my lesson which is "no more Section 8 tenants for me." I wish the rest of you luck.

Unfortunately, there do not seem to be any studies with good sampling that can give us confidence about the actual likelihood of HCV-using tenants being riskier propositions for landlords. And, so, the complaints by landlord interests that laws restricting their ability to reject payment in the form of HCV-program payments for low-income tenants will expose them to terrible tenants is difficult to evaluate, especially if the laws forbidding landlords from outright rejection of HCV-program tenants allows those landlords to use the same screening for such tenants as they do for those who are not using HCV-program benefits.

The H.R.232 - Landlord Accountability Act of 2019 was introduced in the House of Representatives in January of 2019. The bill never made it out of committee, and there is no record of the bill being re-introduced in the new congress that was seated in January of 2021. Representative Nydia M. Velazquez from New York was the original sponsor of this bill. She so far has proposed 163 bills in the year of 2021 as of March 11th. Since the bill was proposed in 2019 it is unlikely that she would sponsor the bill again since it did not get out of committee, and would face poor prospects in the Senate anyway. However, if you have any thoughts, questions, or concerns with this policy or any other you are encouraged to contact your local or federal officials for your region. 


Sunday, April 18, 2021

Man confesses to murdering a Japanese man, and I am not horrified.

 A short anecdote.

I once met an elderly gentleman from England, who confessed to me that he had once murdered a man. I heard his story, and thought he had done a good thing.

He told me the story in November of 1992.  We had a long conversation in the Amtrak station (train station) in St. Louis.  The murder occurred in December of 1937, a few years before Japan and England were at war.  He and his friend had found a drunken Japanese soldier alone in an isolated place, and so he and his friend had killed the soldier.  

The murderer, of whose murder I approved, was in Nanjing.  I forget if he was attached to a British consulate, or a merchant marine whose ship was in Nanjing, or why he was there, but there he was.  A witness to the Rape of Najing (the Nanjing Massacre).  So, I thought his murder justified and just, and not an evil deed.

I wish I could remember whether he told me that he “never regretted it” or whether he said he “sometimes regretted it”.  His act didn’t have the moral ambiguity of murders perpetrated by Americans who killed some guards they caught at the Nazi death camps, since those guards had surrendered, and murdering them was clearly wrong, although understandable.  Were any prosecuted for war crimes after summarily executing Nazi concentration camp guards? 

 There was another sort of ambiguity, since England was not at war with Japan, and the man was not a soldier with any “lawful right” to deal out justice as a vigilante or enemy combatant. Also, the man he described as his victim was drunk, and not an immediate threat to anyone.  And, I do not think he had personally witnessed his victim murdering citizens of Nanjing, although perhaps he did see such things.  But, there must have been some Japanese soldiers who did not participate in the murder and mayhem and plunder. As he described to me, the English murderer said it was worse than anyone can imagine; a horror beyond the worst horror a human mind could conceive.

I've met other people who have told me they murdered others.  In doing research, I have asked people whether they had seriously hurt others or killed others, and on a couple occasions the answer was “yes” to the “ever killed someone” question, although there were no follow-up questions and I never learned more. And I know many persons who have killed persons in wartime. And, at least one of them told me of accidentally killing a family by throwing a grenade into a basement during house-to-house combat. I have met men who flow bombing missions over Germany in World War II, and must have been responsible for some civilian deaths.  But, only one person ever told me a story about his act of murder.  He did not brag of it as a good deed.  He just mentioned it in the context of telling us that he loved Chinese persons (my wife was with me—she is Taiwanese), and elaborating on his time spent in China in the 1930s. 

It was an odd conversation.  I sometimes think of it when I consider ethical problems and the contexts in which things may be good or evil or otherwise.

Wednesday, March 17, 2021

A student proposes a national age limit of 25 for tobacco products.

    Throughout the history of tobacco products there has always been unavoidable side effects hidden from humans. Within the 20th and 21st centuries, the producers of tobacco products have created an upheaval in the numerous consumption options. The most popular of the various options for tobacco products include: cigarettes, light and menthol cigarettes, cigars and pipes, hookahs, and chewing tobacco. Along with these products, many tobacco companies and entrepreneurs have found their way into the most popular way of nicotine consumption in the 21st century today, which is vaping. Vaping was originally invented to help those who are addicted to traditional tobacco products, but it has since changed to being a popular trend for those who have never been addicted before. The most concerning part of the vaping trend is that younger persons are becoming addicted. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, studies have shown that, “About 1 of every 20 middle school students (4.7%) reported in 2020 that they used e-cigarettes in the past 30 days…” and “About 1 of every 5 high school students (19.6%) reported in 2020 that they used electronic cigarettes in the past 30 days…” With this issue, I am proposing that the age of all tobacco and nicotine products be raised from the age of 21, which is what it is now, to the age of 25. By doing this it would target youths and young adults under the age of 25 and lower the rate of usage in the United States.

         The best way to target this issue is by making it a nationwide policy in the United States. By making this policy enforced by the law it will ultimately help with the access of these products being less available and harder to find for those under the age of 25. There were steps made to make this issue go away by making the legal age 21 instead of 18 has helped, but this age difference is not significant enough. A 25 year old will most likely not want to sell tobacco products to an 18 year old or even younger than that because it is uncomfortable. Yes, it is still possible for a multistep deal to take place if the age is raised to 25, but this would ultimately be inconvenient for all parties involved. By creating an inconvenience, this is going to help lower the rate of addiction within youths and young adults and overall help their health in the long run.

         Further examining the health risks that are caused by vaping, the most common knowledge one would have is that it has terrible effects on one's lungs. Because of the harmful chemicals that are put into the different vape products, the chemicals enter the bloodstream and go directly to the heart. It is becoming more common for death to occur because of this and youths and young adults are unaware of it. Not only is nicotine a popular form of vaping, but also many younger people use vapes that have THC in them which also have harmful side effects to the lungs and also the brain. According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIH),  since the brain is not fully developed until the age of 25, exposure to tobacco before then can cause severe problems. “Upon entering the blood, nicotine immediately stimulates the adrenal glands to release the hormone epinephrine (adrenaline). Epinephrine stimulates the central nervous system and increases blood pressure, breathing, and heart rate... Studies suggest that other chemicals in tobacco smoke, such as acetaldehyde, may enhance nicotine’s effects on the brain.” (NIH). If these negative effects are happening regardless of one's age, it would be most beneficial for brains that are still developing to not be exposed to this in the way they are being now. 

On the opposing side however, there are potential reasons why raising the age would not be beneficial. The first issue many American’s would have a concern about is the loss of tax revenues. The average tax rate on a pack of cigarettes in the United States, according to tobaccofreekids.org, is $1.88-$4.35. By taking away a larger part of the tobacco user demographic, this would take away millions of dollars for the government and the tobacco companies. Another belief is that it will not matter what age the legal sales is, everyone under it will still find a way to feed their addictions. Like other things that are illegal until a certain age, youths and young adults will always find their way to getting what they want. There are other reasons that can be supported for this viewpoint, but the ones mentioned here are the most commonly addressed and discussed on this topic. 

Ultimately the idea of raising the legal age to 25 would help more than the people who are addicted to tobacco products. Parents and loved ones are becoming more aware of this issue and are constantly advocating for a change in this industry. I believe by launching a nationwide campaign for schools and colleges once the age is raised from 21 that it will have a big effect on stopping the increasing rate of addiction. Stopping the spread of underage tobacco use for the undeveloped brain would be beneficial for the future health of the American society. With that, it could also have a trickledown effect on the rest of the world and overall help everyone. The sooner we push out the campaigns on why tobacco use is causing deathly consequences, the sooner we can see the results of these horrific chances changing. Furthermore, ethically and medically it would make sense to change the legal age to 25 years old and creating better prevention strategies will help lead to a tobacco free future for our younger population. 

Works Cited

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2020, December 16). Youth and Tobacco Use. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/tobacco/data_statis tics/fact_sheets/youth_data/tobacco_use/index.htm.  

National Institute on Drug Abuse. (2021, January 14). Tobacco/Nicotine and Vaping. National Institute on Drug Abuse. https://www.drugabuse.gov/drug-topics/tobacconicotine-vaping. 

States Should Not Increase Tobacco Use Age to 21. InsideSources. (2016, April 27). https://insidesources.com/states-should-not-increase-tobacco-use-age-to-21/#:~:text=The%20evidence%20shows%20increasing%20the%20age%20limit%20required,revenues,%20wasting%20police%20resources,%20and%20higher%20smoking%20rates. 

U.S. State and Local Issues: Tobacco Taxes. Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids. (2020, December 28). https://www.tobaccofreekids.org/what-we-do/us/state-tobacco-taxes. 


This is a detailed and well-argued position.  I think that aside from tobacco and tobacco product producers, and some tobacco-product consumers who are comfortable with their addictions, most people probably agree with the idea that we ought to do something to reduce the use of tobacco products.  For motives we have the value of human life, and health life, and this is violated by products that contribute to more disease, earlier death, or other problems.  We also have a self-interest.  The costs of caring for persons sickened by tobacco products is usually shared by us all, through taxes that go to cover some costs, and insurance premiums that cover other costs. Since the various diseases and causes of death related to tobacco use tend to be more expensive than other forms of diseases that kills or disable us, we could save some money if fewer persons were addicted to disease-causing products.

This same argument applies to all substances that can cause addiction and disease.  We could make the same arguments against alcohol, and the logic would be about the same, even if the manifestation of injury to the health of users would differ.  Our problem is to decide what time of health-promotion policy is politically feasible, likely to be effective, is relatively efficient, and fits with our values.

With addicting products or other products that society considers morally dubious, we can add high taxes, and thus restrict access among those who are poorer, leaving only the wealthy the freedom to indulge or become addicted. The taxes can then be used to treat the health problems, or launch public health campaigns to reduce use.  We can ban the products.  We can restrict the ages of persons who have access to the products. We can impose other regulations to limit access to the products, or ensure that persons who consume the products are exposed to warnings or offers of help to address their presumed addictions.

Consider the various sorts of behaviors and products society may want to discourage:

Tobacco consumption
Alcohol consumption
Patronizing sex workers
Pornography consumption
Gambling
Off-label (recreational) use of addictive medications
Marijuana consumption
Opiate consumption
Hallucinogenic substance consumption
Cocaine and other stimulant consumption
Fossil fuel energy production
Production of excessive waste of resources or pollution

And so forth.

What are some of the various ways that seem to work best to discourage these things?

We can outlaw the behaviors, heavily tax, heavily regulate, carefully restrict, and in various ways use coercion and threats or confiscation to discourage.  

We can try to use prevention and social marketing to reduce the use or abuse of these things. That lets people make their own mind about what they want to do, but we can push society to be less accepting of these things.

If you can make money from it, there will always be people pushing to make these things legal, and popularize them. And if they remain illegal, or highly restricted, there will be people eager to make money dealing on a black market.

What are the relative advantages and disadvantages of the various approaches we use to controlling and discouraging these things? Why do we make some of these illegal, and others we simply restrict and regulate and tax?  



Sunday, March 7, 2021

Student wants support for bill to publicize 2-1-1 referral hotline services

 The Honorable Dick Durbin

Chair, Committee on the Judiciary

525 S. 8th Street

Springfield, IL 62703



Dear Senator Durbin:

The Main purpose of the S. 4989(116th): HELP Act of 2020 is to strengthen existing non-emergency government funded support agencies. The main component of the bill is the improving the 211 services in each state. This bill should be approved and put into effect immediately for a multitude of reasons.

This bill will take stress off the current emergency services. Roughly 20 percent of all 911 calls are non-emergency calls. My father was a fireman for twenty years and was a fire chief for four years, and he said that about 15 percent of the 911 calls he got were non-emergency. He also says that he knows that the police deal with more non-emergency situations than firefighters. This bill will make the information about the 211 services more available to the public. In doing so, people will be more likely to reach out to 211 services in non-emergency situations like helping the homeless. This will allow emergency services to have more focus on responding to actual emergencies. This will also lower the amount of incarceration and arrests that are made by 911 emergency referrals. This will mean spending less money on arrests on people such as the homeless who get arrested for having no where to go. 

This bill will also look at each state individually to decide allocation of money and resources. This will be determined by looking predictors such as population, density of population, and poverty rate to ensure that each state is given the appropriate resources. Overall, the bill authorizes an appropriation of $350 million yearly in the first two years and would decrease after two years to $300 million or less yearly within five years of the bill being passed. The bill also states that 25 percent of the funding needed will not come from the federal government, but instead will be funded by selling products and with donations given. It also says that less the one percent of the funding would be spent on administrative costs. Meaning most of the funding form the federal government would go to improving current systems and making sure that they are available for everyone to utilize in addition to making information about the services more readily available.

I asked over thirty people if they knew what the 211 number is and what services they provide, and not a single person could tell me anything about service. It is our responsibility to teach people that there are resources readily available for non-emergency help such as the homeless, mental health, suicide prevention, domestic violence, and other human needs. It is also our responsibility to provide care for those individuals who need these resources other than arresting them or other extreme and unnecessary measures that cost taxpayers more money. Arresting them does not help them and just makes it more likely that they will get arrested again. Referring people in non-emergency need can get people the help they need to keep or make them into self-providing citizens. 

In conclusion, the S. 4989(116th): HELP Act of 2020 should be passed. It will take pressure off of emergency services by informing people about the number’s existence. It will also make sure that people have the necessary helping resources available in all communities at any hour of the year. There are also no new agencies being produced from this bill it is only meant to expand and improve what is already been in place so that it can better serve the communities that need it the most. Overall, the money that the bill authorizes seems relatively small compared to other federal programs, and the cost is expected to decrease over time. Meaning if we invest the money now it will mean spending less in the future. We have tired the current method for years and the problems are not getting any better, so it is time to try something a little more old fashion by letting the community help people by giving people access to the communities resources. 


https://www.factretriever.com/911-emergency-call-facts

https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/116/s4989/text/is